A. Abstract:
A-1. The events that occurred in the course of the dismantling of the Ottoman empire, and the destructive fire of the First World War, who cost the lives of millions of people, soldiers and civilians, were engraved in the memories and have changed the course of history. Undoubtedly, the issue of the Armenian Genocide, deportations and other mass migration have spilled much ink. There are on the subject of the Armenian genocide of numerous published articles, we will in this article dwell on certain aspects of events that are little known outside of restricted academic circles.
A-2. The socio-economic framework of the Armenian Genocide is historically one of the darkest pages in the history of mankind. Five million of eighteen million six hundred thousand deads provoked by the First World War were ottomans (26.9%), including 4.8 million civilians. The ottomans will be assailed on all sides by armed troops from British India, England, France, Italy, Russia, Greece, New Zealand and other countries, faced to mass migrations of nationals from the four corners of the empire, fleeing the Balkans, the Middle East, Yemen, the Caucasus, all being occupied. The Ottomans will face at a socio-politically unprecedented humanitarian disaster, rarely observed in the history of mankind. The empire in agony will suffer five million deads in only eight years, without counting refugees, migrants, wounded, widows and orphans. Five million representing 23.5% of the Ottomans before the war (! almost one in four), or 3.3 ‰ of the entire world population in 1914. Few wars has killed so many people around the world in such a short period.
Rescuers of American Near East Relief are welcoming the Armenian deportees in Syria, with the permission of Enver Pasha -the region will be still under control of the Ottomans until the Armistice of Moudros. The notice at left recalls that young Armenians constituted nearly half of French troops in the region and that they are controlled by the ottomans before their relocation (see below doc.1.)
Armenians armed revolutionaries
A-4. We will stop on the thesis of involvement of the Special Organisation membres (تشکیلات
مخصوصه) in the Armenian massacres and convoy's attacks, dissected rarely or no subject to a rigorous critical analysis. The overwhelming part of the historians who have written on the subject, base their interpretations exclusively on some books of specialized historians writen on the subject, because of the language barrier preventing them direct access to primary sources. We will look at these points, and still others that require a documented analysis.
B. Socio-Political Situation:
B-1. The hope of an independent Armenia and the insurrection :
B-1.1. Since the international recognition of the independence of several states in the Balkans and particularly since the Treaty of San Stefano in Berlin in 1878, the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire, with the instigation of the clergy and Armenian intellectuals, expect also to create an independent Armenia. The creation of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Դաշնակ) -named Tashnak- twelve years later in 1890 will lead to Armenian uprisings and to acts of provocation leading to increase in level of violence scoring a very sensitive turning on Ottoman territory.
B-1.1. Since the international recognition of the independence of several states in the Balkans and particularly since the Treaty of San Stefano in Berlin in 1878, the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire, with the instigation of the clergy and Armenian intellectuals, expect also to create an independent Armenia. The creation of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Դաշնակ) -named Tashnak- twelve years later in 1890 will lead to Armenian uprisings and to acts of provocation leading to increase in level of violence scoring a very sensitive turning on Ottoman territory.
Mikael Varandian, former leader of the Tashnak, wrote about it : "It has maybe never existed a such revolutionary party who have so rich experiences in terrorist methods as the ARF. (...) The Dashnak produced the most frenetic characters of terrorism and trained hundreds of experts on gun, on bomb and on the dagger [1]. "
Yves Ternon wrote : "The insurgence or the subversive strategy used by both Armenian revolutionary parties [Dashnak and Hintchak] between 1890-1896 have led to repression, no to the desired response of the Powers as was formerly the case for Bulgaria (1878). The Armenian revolutionary parties have poorly measured the parameters of the policy of balance between the powers (of the Anglo-Russian rivalry) and the geopolitical situation related to the Armenian communities [2]. "
B-1.2. The plans and uprisings headed by those two armed organisations conduct the Armenians to undergo severe sanctions on behalf of the populations who live in the same areas, which cohabit with the Armenians and who fear to be under the yoke of russians, french, italians, english, or other hostile powers, fearing to perish like other besieged compatriots across the empire, or to have to migrate again. But the Armenians will undergo also, by periods, severe reprisals from the authorities. The safety of the Armenians will be gradually a thorny problem for the Ottoman Empire, as for his historical enemies of the West.
(doc.1) Mail from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France (3 December 1918) in which, the President of the Armenian delegation welcomes the participation of Armenians against the Ottoman troops "on all fronts", particularly with 150,000 Armenians among the Russian troops or no less than half of the French contingent in Syria
B-1.3. The hostility of the Armenians, against the ruling power, is also noted before the total war inside the Armenian intelligentsia, such as when the movement of the Young Turks will begin to emerge from the shadows. The Armenians will bring their support explicitely and will participate actively in the coup and the destitution of the parliament and of Sultan Abdulhamid II, thereby favoring the rise to power of Union and Progress Committee. Also, is it not surprising that 33 Armenians will be erected in the parliament at the XIXth Centery, including 12 Armenians parliamentary in power in parliament at the time of mass deportations and its devastating consequences.
B-2. Socio-political dimensions of deportations :
B-2.1. The move program officially justified in the parliament (with the participation of 12 Mps Armenians ; see below), such as extreme measure to organize the defense of fronts against the attackers suffered also other socio-political complications.
B-2.2. The bulk of the Armenian population of the villages will sheared between the assailants, young insurgents and repressions from the people or coming sometimes from the Ottoman power.
B-2.3. The social crisis will be worse because the population do not understand Turkish, or rarely. This will increase also the fear and panic of their deportation by thousand in train, and clarifies also the abundance of the escapes and the worst speculations about the reasons for these provisions.
B-2.4. The cataclysmic conditions of total war, which led the Ottoman power to empty some prisons to the fronts, releasing some brigands, led to some attacks of convoys in addition to the reprisals of tribes -leads in response to the terrorist attacks of insurgents, characteristics vendettas of Kurdish people- or of from Circassian migrants, fleeing the Russian advanced on their countries.
B-2.5. The violence of some agents of law enforcement led against the Armenians which participate in the occupation on all fronts, that claimed at deaths in almost every Ottoman home, caused terror on the purpose of such a mass deportation.
B-2.6. The progressive loss of control of the southern provinces and their railways, coupled with ignorance by the attacking forces of places of relocations lead to progressive disruption of control on camps, culminating end of 1918, and officially ending November 1 with the Armistice of Moudros and much of deaths due to famines and epidemics.
B-2. Socio-political dimensions of deportations :
B-2.1. The move program officially justified in the parliament (with the participation of 12 Mps Armenians ; see below), such as extreme measure to organize the defense of fronts against the attackers suffered also other socio-political complications.
B-2.2. The bulk of the Armenian population of the villages will sheared between the assailants, young insurgents and repressions from the people or coming sometimes from the Ottoman power.
B-2.3. The social crisis will be worse because the population do not understand Turkish, or rarely. This will increase also the fear and panic of their deportation by thousand in train, and clarifies also the abundance of the escapes and the worst speculations about the reasons for these provisions.
B-2.4. The cataclysmic conditions of total war, which led the Ottoman power to empty some prisons to the fronts, releasing some brigands, led to some attacks of convoys in addition to the reprisals of tribes -leads in response to the terrorist attacks of insurgents, characteristics vendettas of Kurdish people- or of from Circassian migrants, fleeing the Russian advanced on their countries.
B-2.5. The violence of some agents of law enforcement led against the Armenians which participate in the occupation on all fronts, that claimed at deaths in almost every Ottoman home, caused terror on the purpose of such a mass deportation.
B-2.6. The progressive loss of control of the southern provinces and their railways, coupled with ignorance by the attacking forces of places of relocations lead to progressive disruption of control on camps, culminating end of 1918, and officially ending November 1 with the Armistice of Moudros and much of deaths due to famines and epidemics.
B-3. The list of Armenian parliamentarians in the Unionist Parliament between 1914 and 1918, by province :
- Stepan Chirajian (Ergani)
- Vartkes Serengulian (Erzurum)
- Artin Boshgezenian (Aleppo)
- Bedros Hallajian (Istanbul)
- Grikor Zohrab (Istanbul)
- Onnik Ihsan (Izmir)
- Garabet Tomaian (Kayseri)
- Matyos Nalbantian (Kozan)
- Agop Hirlakian (Maras)
- Kegam Dergarabedian (Mus)
- Dikran Barsamian (Sivas)
- Medetian Ozep (Erzurum)
B-3.1. During the dismantling of the Committee of Union and Progress in 1918, and the decision to prosecute abuses committed by some leaders of U.P.C. in martial tribunal, it is remarkable that eight of these parliamentarians were still fully active inside the parliament. Including Matyos Nalbantian who supports openly in the Ottoman parliament that the foundation of Armenia is the legitimate right of its people, which is supported by President Woodrow Wilson [3].
B-3.2. In the minutes of a meeting of parliamentarians in the House dated 18 November 1916 (see infra) [3], we read that eight of the Armenian parliamentarians mentioned above remain active in Ottoman Parliament, whose three of them participate in a debate on the issue of deportations. We see that Artin Boshgezenian, Dikran Barsamian and Matyos Nalbantian demand to speak. While we read down of the document than Ozep Medetian, Onnik Ihsan and Agop Hirlakian are present but do not wish to speak, but participe to the vote. Likewise we read in the foot of this document that the parliamentarians : Bedros Hallajian and Kegam Dergarabedian were not present in the parliament during the minutes. It is therefore apparent that eight Armenian parliamentarians were still active after the dismantling of Union and Progress Committee, who were active during the deportations, such as after the end of deportations.
B-3.2. In the minutes of a meeting of parliamentarians in the House dated 18 November 1916 (see infra) [3], we read that eight of the Armenian parliamentarians mentioned above remain active in Ottoman Parliament, whose three of them participate in a debate on the issue of deportations. We see that Artin Boshgezenian, Dikran Barsamian and Matyos Nalbantian demand to speak. While we read down of the document than Ozep Medetian, Onnik Ihsan and Agop Hirlakian are present but do not wish to speak, but participe to the vote. Likewise we read in the foot of this document that the parliamentarians : Bedros Hallajian and Kegam Dergarabedian were not present in the parliament during the minutes. It is therefore apparent that eight Armenian parliamentarians were still active after the dismantling of Union and Progress Committee, who were active during the deportations, such as after the end of deportations.
B-3.3. The parliamentarians Stepan Chıracjian, Grikor Zohrab and Vartkes Serengulian having been killed by extremists or executed as members of the ARF or for their having gave their support.
B-4. Synthesis of an extract from the minutes of this meeting held in the parliament from 1916 [3] :
B-4.1. In this document dated 18 Tachri'ul Awwal 1331 (Monday, November 26, 1916) we read that some Armenians Ottoman parliamentarians raised the question of the fate of the deportees.
§1. Thus, on page 140, Artin Boshgezenian demand to speak (p.140).
§2. It states that the Turkish people is criticised by the civilized world (cries unthinkable!), and says that the all Turkish should not be held responsible because of some of them ( p.141).
§3. On page 141, after this speech of introduction from Artin Boshgezenian, Mehmet Ali Efendi Fazil thanks Boshgezenian who is not holding at all the Turks nor all the organs of state (Vali, constabulary and others) as accountable for abuses committed during of deportation. Here are below the response of Artin Boshezenian rendered in english :
"What I want to emphasize is that what they accuse the Turkish people, this enormous crime, was done by the previous organization, more precisely by an organization of bandits. This weight thrown on the yoke of Turkish people, his most terrifying point -which is the armenian disaster-, came from a central command, a central order which was enforced by the officers, through Valis, Kaymakams, commanders of the gendarmerie, commissioners police, constabulary, up special organisms or others. I know many pious, holy, human and merciful Turks that wept blood on our side (cries Bravo!). Are they isolated citizens ? How many towns inhabited by Muslims who collectively protested this unjust deportation. Without nonetheless achieve repeal this commandment, such as those who opposed it found themselves eliminated from the process, and that any one who rejects the government's commandments was hanged in front of his home [note 1]. "(Artin Boshgezenian)
§4. Boshgezenian made then a speech on civilization and the rule of law on human origins and different persuasions, and evokes the criminal side of every man who sometimes wake like a demon. But stress that disaster is not attributable to all the Turkish people. And Mehmet Ali Fazil thanks him for not to mix all the Turkish people for the crimes committed during deportations (p.142).
§5. At that intervention of Mehmet Ali Fazil, Boshgezenian answers him that the members of the authority who protested against these abuses would be limited in number while those who have been involved in abuses would be many : Artin Boshgezenian reveals in the speech, that when he talk about crime, he refers in fact to the mass deportation and depopulation of Armenia (p.142).
§5. At this remark, Mehmet Emin Bey answers that those responsible for abuses are also limited in number (p.142).
§6. Artin Boshgezenian insists to say that the individuals involved are very numerous, but that he do not suggest that all the heads of the regions concerned by the deportation program committed abuses (some refused to deport the population and have been removed from their posts) (p.142).
§7. Mehmet Emin Bey asked him to share everything he knows on the subject in order to inform parliamentarians about his claims (p.142).
§8. Artin Boshgezenian then explains that a person whom he does not name boasts of having transformed the deportation zone which he is responsible into Hijaz (place of islamic pilgrimage crowded with men), and that Turkish spit in his face to protest (p.143).
§9. Boshgezenian evokes the kidnappings of many young Armenian women by the '' Kurdish insects " and the lack of pro-activity of the authorities towards them, and explains that the ancestral land of the Armenians is emptied of Armenians pushed to abandon their land and properties (p.143).
§10. He evokes then the population move to Zor, and explains that the Vali who ran the region was wise and humane (Souad Ali Bey). He explains that another ruthless Vali (Salih Zeki Bey) was sent in his place [note. Souad Ali was accused of letting dangerous prisoners escape in Aleppo and its surrounding ] who boasted of having killed 70,000 to 80,000 people, so that the remains of the wretched bones formed a mound between Zor and Ra'sul ayn. Artin then states that some officials involved have been prosecuted and convicted (p.143).
§11. Mehmet Emin Bey intervenes saying that only one person was placed under arrest in that case (p.143).
§12. Whereupon Artin states that it ignores how many were placed under arrest, but that he knows that many have disappeared from circulation without being prosecuted (p.143).
§13. He speaks to finish about the abuses by Cerkez Ahmet and his cronies, and his putting to death by hanging, because of their crimes such for the assassination of Varteks Tomaian, Grigor Zohrap and Stepan Chirajian. He notes that Ahmet Cerkez commits crimes in Diyarbakir and Urfa, and this suggests that it was transferred with his followers by some deputies who should be also identified and prosecuted (p.143). Artin suggests to prosecute and convict war criminals in the upcoming martial court and to show the good will of the Turkish people (p.143).
§14. He mentions the forthcoming establishment of a military court for that purpose, and continues saying that apart of these officials from members of the state organs, they must also prosecute some civilians who participated in abuses. He then mentions the great hospitality of the people of Mosul against the deportees and asks forgiveness for having urged Parliamentarians (p.144).
§15. Osman Saib then responds to Artin that this is enough, and that the Muslims of Van also will testify in cour (p.144).
§16. Ilyas Sami Efendi (a Jewish parliamentary) requests the return on the program, and to let justice proceed. Artin evokes the orphans of "Hom skull" which are taken as captives in insects's arms. Ilyas Sami told him to tell the whole truth, and to specify that all Turkish curse these abuses. (p.144).
§17. Ilyas Sami Efendi mentions the Vali of Van (an Armenian) who committed serious abuses in Van, killed 62% of the Muslim population (100,000 vicinity) and conspired with Russian, and reproaches to Boshgezenian who accuses everybody for abuses that they deplore like him.
§18. Artin Boshgezenian retorts that the Parliament was informed of what he wanted to share (p.144).
§19. Artin concludes by stressing that he pray Allah to punish the traitors who betrayed the Ottoman Empire where they shared the same land since 600 years. On page 150, another Armenian Ottoman deputy, Dirkan Barsamian, asks for the floor (p.144).
§20. Dirkan Barsamian turns again on the problem of widows and orphans scattered on the territory in the hands of Muslims (p.150).
§21. Ilyas Sami replies that the Vali of Van which is mentioned by Artin such as his friend sent a whole regiment of Armenians to support the Russian invaders. Nalbantian replies that he does what is in its own right, and is supported by President Woodrow Wilson ... (p.158)
§22. Bedros Nalbantian emphasizes that a people has been sentenced for the cause of abuses by some of them. He notes that the deportations have spread far from the fronts (see map of the Armistice of Moudros), and that this can not hide the eyes (pp.160-161).
§23. The document then continues by taking the course of the Assembly's program without that Artin Boshgezenian or other deputies mention other facts concerning our field of study (p.161 et seq.).
B-4.2. The minutes testifies that parliamentarians and members of the Union and Progress Committee has some armenian deputies during and after the events, and that the abuses were discussed in the Parliament and prosecuted during the events of 1914-1918 (§15). The main concern of Artin Boshgezenian by the denounciation of crimes against innocents appears out as being the dispersal of the Armenian people of its historical territory (§ 9), leading to loss of life and living conditions pitiful (§7, §8 , § 9, § 10). He mentions the plight of widows and orphans (§ 9), and some crimes he confirms having been brought to justice during deportations (§10, §12, §13). But criticizes the leaders of being lax or to be insensitive, and not to prosecute all perpetrators of abuses (§12, §13). Dikran Barsamian back over the sitation to the widows and orphans (§20), Bedros Nalbantian criticizes the deportation of hundreds of thousands of Armenians, because a part of them, and said they wanted their military alliance right with the Russians in Van (§21, §22).
B-5. Zor and the other provinces, a genuine Armenia for the Armenians deportees [4] :
B-5.1. The historian Raymond Kevorkian describes how the Armenian deportees have turned the provinces where Ottoman power transferred them into an Armenia :
B-5.1. The historian Raymond Kevorkian describes how the Armenian deportees have turned the provinces where Ottoman power transferred them into an Armenia :
(We will see later in the document doc.16 that deportation should effectively ensuring resettlement of the deported Armenians so as to ensure them the practice their Professional and financial activities.)
"With skimming and death of the deportees victims of famine and epidemics, Zor roughly fulfill the orders of maintaining onsite 'a reasonable proportion of Armenians'. When the standards were exceeded, local authorities begin to shipping small convoys at Mosul to continue the skimming. This situation can continue until the flow of newcomers was sort content by more or less provisional implementation of the deportees in camps in regions of Aleppo and Ras ul-Ain. This allowed fifteen thousand Armenians to settle in the city and even to organize it, while a transit camp was established such as at Rakka, on the other bank of the Euphrates. (...) As to Rakka, Armenians were quick to boost trade and local crafts, encouraged by the mutasarrif Souad Ali Bey, whom most sources have us describes as a man educated and benevolent, beside resourceful people who can quickly adapt the circumstances and develop any activity, it should be noted a considerable number of women or old men with children surviving in appalling conditions on the left bank of the Euphrates River, outside the city, in huts of branches. When Souad Ali's successor, Salih Zeki, will be appointed in July 1916, it nevertheless will has find find that the situation was still too enviable : "The day of his arrival, he went around the neighborhoods, especially market, where it was particularly angered to see the flourishing state of the Armenians. They have made it a real Armenia - as in Damascus, Hama, Homs - and the market was largely in their hands. Most are craftsmen, generally active, which produce a curious contrast with the local population. "
B-5.2. The letters and telegrams sent to oversee the deportations and escapes :
(Kevorkian mentions the telegrams which must to ensure the expulsion of Armenian insurgents, and return the fugitives who enlisted in the foreign legions from Aleppo to areas planned for their resettlement.)
"If the decision to rake the entire region of Aleppo and its surroundings was taken around December 1915 and January 1916, it took at least some time in Branch Deportees before implementing it effectively. (...) The release of thousands of prisoners -not without some skill some had managed to conceal himself in Arab communities in the region or in Aleppo- in villages does not facilitated the task of the employees of the Sevkiyat and no doubt ... of the interventions of Djemal Pasha, the head of the Fourth Army."
"A first circular-telegram sent by Talaat's prefectures and his sub-prefectures of province on November 10, 1915 asks everyone to stop the moving of the Armenian deportees, to stabilize them in their places of residence. In another telegram from the Interior Minister dated February 22, 1916, ..., it is indeed observed after this writing that « the text of the general statement concerning the stopping of deportations of Armenians resulted, in some places, to an interpretation that no more Armenians should henceforth be moved. For this reason, many people known for be harmful were not hunted. » "
"It is therefore not surprising that it was during the months of February, March, April and especially in May and June 1916, that the axis of the Euphrates was truly invaded by convoys survivors of the northern camps. (...) In late June 1916, the last cleanings operated in the region of Aleppo and the Euphrate's axis caused an exceptional increase in the number of trains, arriving one after the other in Zor, following an order of Talaat addressed to the Governor of Aleppo on June 29 requesting that the last Armenians should be deported to Zor. "
B-5.3. The insubordination of Salih Zeki to his superiors, and his organization of massacres in the region :
(We mentioned up in B-2.2., the exactions of Zeki between Zor and Ra'sul ayn raised by the Armenian deputy Artin Boshgezenian and the prosecutions during the deportations. Kevorkian explains as Zeki Bey was insubordinate to his superiors hierarchical, and mentions his recruiting criminals to eliminate thousands of Armenians. How he used Chechens who fled Russia, and the Circasiens who had to migrate in the southern provinces angry against Armenians who supported the Russians against them. Salih Zeki will be prosecuted, tried and sentenced to death.)
"Zeki ... must however to face at political military authorities, and recruite every valid armenians for building the infrastructure needed to Yildirim operation mounted against the British established in Baghdad, supervised and directed by Liman von Sanders and General Mustapha Kemal. (...) Refusing to obey military orders, Zeki will arrest these recruits and block them at Salihiyé hospital, then sending them a few days later with their families to Marat. Having obtained by Staff the operation Yildirim a permission to levy troops among the deportees, Nourredine Bey also hires 550 young people aged between twenty-one to thirty years, who were grouped together in the barracks Kechla, but in the Salihiyé district, Zeki shall ensure that they remain without food or water for seven days. Those who survived this treatment -there were cases of cannibalism - were eventually shipped to Souvar chained to the direct route of the desert. Along the way, few Chechens recruited by Zeki in Ras ul-Ain will stop them and begin to tie them five by five. When a Zeytouniot managed to shoot down two of these thugs. After a brief resistance, conscripts will be slaughtered in small groups and stripped of their clothes behind a small mound. Therefore it remained more into Zor very few men aged eighteen to forty years. Relieved of this potential danger, Zeki has drew lessons from his first expeditions and decided to recruit a greater number of Chechens for carrying out the liquidation of such a mass of humanity. To do this, he made a brief trip to Ras ul- Ain where he still brought nearly a hundred thugs - they had acquired a reputation in the massacre of internees of Ras ul-Ain camp, a few weeks earlier. Once the machine triggered, usually, as soon as tens of thousands of deportees were concentrated on the other side of the bridge Zor, Zeki organizes shipment to Marat, another camp located five hours south, some distance from the Euphrates ... "
B-6. The institution of civil courts between 1915-1919:
B-6.1. Copy of a letter dating from 1915 demanding to establish civilian courts and sue abuses reported in the context of deportation :
(doc.2.) Missive dating from 1915, demanding to establish courts to try abuses committed by some officers who make abuse of authority against the Armenians during deportation. There will be 67 death sentences before 1918 in the civil courts, before the court martial Mazhar 1919. More than 1.600 lawsuits during deportations, and 1.397 convictions between September 1915 and Armistice of Moudros.
B-6.2. Summary of judgments of people who abuse of their rights against Armenians during deportation or guilty abuses of power on them :
During the deportations, between September 1915 and June 1916 a total of 1.673 people, counting soldiers, officials and civilians were prosecuted in civilian courts. 67 were sentenced to death, 524 imprisoned, and 68 sentenced to various punishments such as public works or exile. On the eve of Armistice of Moudros, 1.397 people were prosecuted and convicted because of mistreatment or abuse of power against the Armenians in the context of deportation [5].
B-6.3. Telegrams sent under the supervision of the deportation :
(doc.3.) Telegram sent to İzmit, Eskisehir, Kutahya, Karahisar, Hudavendigar, Konya, Ankara, Adana and Aleppo, by the General Security Directorate recommending to use of funds from the management to ensure bread supply of the deportees and to ensure their security (1333.L.20.)
Translation:
"Recall of the bread supply for three to four days, from background of management deportation in the rest stations, and ensure the comfort of the transfer." (August 18, 1915)
Source: DH. SFR 55/341 Belge No: 1
(doc.4.) Telegram sent to the province of Konya commander to ensure rest for Armenian deportees, and to ensure their safety. (1333.Z.4;. DH SFR 56/381)
Translation:
"It was agreed that the convoy of Armenians will be carried by land (t.n. Not by the river). Ensure their safety. Talaat." (August 4, 1915)
Source: 56/381 DH.ŞFR Belge No: 1
C. The Role of the Special Organization :
C-1. Letter of Talaat Pasha at Enver Pasha :
C-1.1. The recent publication by Murat Bardakci of documents in possession of descendants of the actors of Union and Progress, such as the wife of Talaat Pasha, the promoter of tehcir's law of May 1915, generated since its publication an interesting decortication, into academic circles, on the details of political plans of the members of Committee of Union and Progress which are rarely shown to date in secular circles outside at some restricted scholarly circles. The researcher has even managed to obtain private letters of correspondences exchanged between Talaat and Enver. Among others, he has also published in the first volume -of a series of unpublished documents he prepares to continue publishing in several volumes-, an unprecedented publication of the famous black covered book of Talaat Pasha, which offers some documents containing such as statistical informations of the Armenian migrations, Greek Pontic or others minorities within the territory or beyond borders of the Ottoman Empire that is narrowing, as for mass migration of people from other occupied territories on the fronts to areas still under Turkish control, and which also presents figures, statistics, charts about these upheaval Demographic and financial, and their devastating effects.
C-1.2. In one of the letters of Talaat at Enver dating from July 1, 1919 [6], (see infra scann of the letter) spotted among the unpublished documents, a passage in particular is especially interesting. We transmit infra the transcript of the passage in question in characters Latin, and the french translation (made by us) :
"(...) We have read the newspapers of Istanbul until the 25th of May. They accuse the friends, due to the Special Organization. We have read the newspapers of Istanbul until the 25th of May. They accuse friends due to the Special Organization. The special organization will have so-called made the deportations of Armenians and Greeks, and committed some of the terrible acts. It appears that officials and the attorney general have resigned failing to get any results. They seem to have sent them to Malta failing to charge them. (...) [Note 2] [7] "
(doc.5.) The letter's Scann addressed by Talat Pasha for Enver Pasha where he wrote in privately the stupidity to seek a link between tehcir's law and the "so-called" fonction of the Special Organization in the deportation of Armenians and Greeks, and "some of the terrible acts" against these populations. Dated 1st July 1919.
C-1.3. This private mail between Talaat and Enver that came out of the shadows in the memories of descendants of key players gives an interesting light on the question of the hypothetical function of the Special organization in the loss of life during the deportations.
C-1.4. The elements of the Special Organization were involved in many illegal and criminal acts, whom some of them, according to the laws in force, can go at this time until death penalty such as counter-espionage, propaganda against the Sultan, secret organization, ambushes, illegal stock market speculation etc. The destruction of highly incriminating documents which is supported as seeking to erase atrocities against Armenians thus appears wrong with this private letter of Talaat Pasha. The destruction of incriminating documents will fully explained without requiring a fear concerning the supposed atrocities against Armenians led by the Special Organisation.
C-1.5. The culture of vendeta, characteristic of Kurdish people, will conduct them to attack the civilian armenians in response to violent attacks, perpetrating by Armenian terrorists against their villages, their clans or tribes, which generates on civilian armenians's side a suspiscion that they play a role as a secret organization against them. The Circasien and Chechen robbers who had to migrate because of the Russian advancing, accentuate again the suspicion of massacres organized by the putschists. The role of the Special Organization concerning the massacres was viewed with caution by experts like Philip Stoddard, who is the historian who has so far done the most of research about the Special Organization.
C-1.6. The letter of Talaat Pasha above regarding the accusation of the involvement of the Special Organization in the Armenian Genocide seems to reinforce the share of those civilian attacks. Here are the results of the consequences of the deportation according RH Kevorkian :
"The essential question regarding course, among the approximately 870,000 deportees who arrived in the deserts of Syria and Mesopotamia, is the number of survivors that remained when the armistice was signed in the fall of 1918, or the number of deportees who were killed in concentration's camps, on roads or in the massacres organized in Ras ul-Ain and Deir-Zor. The time has come to try to draw initial conclusions from the materials we have present.
According to these elements, the loss can be evaluated as follows :
- Transit Camp Bozanti (Summer-Fall 1915): c. 10,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Concentration's Camp Mamoura (Summer-Fall 1915): c. 40,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Concentration's Camp Islahiye (August 1915-early 1916): c. 60,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Work Camps of Amanus tunnel (May-June 1916): 30 000 people massacred on the road from Marash and beyond in several convoys (noted by us).- Radjo concentration's camps, and Katma of Azaz (automne1915-Spring 1916): c. 60,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Bab concentration's camps of Akhtérim (october 1915-Spring 1916): c. 50-60 000 deaths from starvation and epidemics.- Concentration's Camps and Lalé Téfridjé (december 1915-february1916): c. 5000 died of famine and epidemics.- Mounboudj's concentration's camps (automne1915-february1916): 0.- Aleppo and its outskirts concentration camps (summer1915-Fall 1918): c. 10,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Concentration's Camp Ras ul-Ain (summer 1915-April 1916): c. 13,000 died from famine and epidemics and 40,000 killed in the area.- Concentration's Camp Meskene (November 1915-April 1916): c. 60,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Concentration's Camp Dipsi (November 1915-April 1916): c. 30,000 died from famine and epidemics.- Transit camp Abouharar (November 1915-April 1916): 0.- Transit camp Hamam (November 1915-April 1916): 0.- Concentration's Camp sebka (opposite Rakka) (November 1915-June 1916): c. 5000 died of famine and epidemics.- Concentration's Camps of Deir Zor-Marat (November 1915-December 1916): 192 750, of which about 40 000 deaths from starvation and epidemics and 150,000 massacred between Souvar and Cheddadiyé *.- Region of Mosul (Fall 1915-January 1916): c. 15 000 people massacred by General Halil Bey in January 1916.
C-1.6.1. * The massacre was mentioned above, according Boshgezenian Artin (see §10. B-4.1. supra) as being the work of a deranged Vali, namely Salih Zeki Bey who was prosecuted before the end of the deportations, but who escaped and was retried and sentenced to death at contumas on April 28, 1920 [8]. Artin Boshgezenian mentions his massacres, however, with a different number (70000-80000 of the confession of guilt by Zeki). This crime is not attributable to the Special Organization, because Salih Zeki had recruited Circasiens and organized the massacres by personal hatred and was a first time sentenced in 1916 and again in 1920. The General Halil Bey was similarly arrested on April 4, but managed to escape from prison [9].
C-1.6.2. The share of consecutive casualties in convoy attacks appears low, with 70,000 people among the 924,158 deported, which made 7.5%, compared to estimates of total deaths among the deportees. Dispatch a secret organization but letting almost any victim destroyed by epidemics or famine seems dubious, unnecessary and incriminatory.
C-2. Andonian Documents :
C-2.1. The British and the exiled of Malta :
The issue of the Armenian Genocide can not be treated without mentioning the documents of Aram Andonian. These famous documents that have been demonstrated to be false, whose the originals were never produced by Andonian -and whom the copies's rigorous analysis by specialists shows the propagand fonction- are nevertheless cited as source in most publications on the Armenian Genocide.
According to Aram Andonian, these documents were recovered by the troops of British General Edmund Allenby. However, the British seeking of evidence against the Malta detainees don't conduct them to these. The British research gave no result such that the Foreign Office must have to turn to the Washington archives. In its response to Lord Curzon, the Chargé d'Affaires of the British Embassy in Washington, RC Craigie, had replied :
"I regret to inform His Excellency that we have not found anything that could serve as an exhibit against the Turks currently detained in Malta ... any specific fact which could constitute a sufficient basis for an indictment ... No report do appear contain information prejudicial to the Turks nor useful information to confirm those already in possession of the government of His Majesty ... "[10]
Not knowing what to do with these prisoners who have already spent two years in captivity without trial and without having been formally charged, the Foreign Office asked the opinion of the Judicial Council in London who opined after July 29, 1921 :
"So far, no witness statement is likely to confirm the charges against the prisoners. It seems very doubtful to could find this." [11]
The documents published by Andonian were available at the trial of Malta exiles and, despite the urgent need to exhibit them, the British never used them before a court, because it was false. The prisoners were freed in 1922.
The famous Andonian documents have indeed been published in French by David S. Beg in 1920 in Paris, edited by printing Turabian. Moreover, it is the British who have themselves discovered these documents themselves when they enter Aleppo according to Aram Andonian. Andonian had no more provides the original documents to the court of Berlin, at the trial of Tehlirian, but just certified having seen the originals.
The famous Andonian documents have indeed been published in French by David S. Beg in 1920 in Paris, edited by printing Turabian. Moreover, it is the British who have themselves discovered these documents themselves when they enter Aleppo according to Aram Andonian. Andonian had no more provides the original documents to the court of Berlin, at the trial of Tehlirian, but just certified having seen the originals.
C-2.2. Technical criticism over Andonian documents [12] :
1 - Andonian based his source of information on a signature of the prefect of Aleppo, Mustafa Abdulhalik. But the archival documents establish that the signatures attributed to Mustafa Abdulhalik are false.
(doc.6.) At left, false signature in documents Andonian attributed to Vali of Aleppo, Mustafa Bey Abdulhalik. At right, original signature of Mustafa Vali Abdulhalik.
2 - On one of the documents that it has published, Andonian attributes to footnotes a signature of Mustafa Abdulhalik at a date when it was still prefect of Aleppo.
3 - The ignorance or neglect of the existing gap between the Ottoman calendar and the Gregorian calendar, changes the dates of some documents to earlier or later dates, and invalidates all the dating and numbering system used by Andonian.
4 - The dates and numbers assigned by Andonian to his documents have nothing in common with the dates and numbers of the authentic documents of this period. Further, Andonian commits the mistake of wearing the same numbers on differents documents.
5 - The figures groups used by Andonian in some telegrams have nothing to do with the real encryption technique of its time. These figure errors would have constituted incredible an aberrations on the part of officials. It also suggests, against the evidence, that the same encryption system would have remained in use for six months in a country at war; and we know that this was not the case.
6 - The awkwardness with which were traced the signs of "Basmalah" sacramental formula in the head of any official document, betrays an author who probably has never used it in his life.
7 - Sometimes we found in its documents false expressions that can not actually be used in the Ottoman language, such vocabulary, in syntax or in grammar. Similarly, for "make from Turks people who admit their own guilt", the author ready to officers Ottomans some phrases whose the common sense would have banned the use. Another obvious sign of falsification of data is than Andonian published three books : in English, French and Aramaic containing many contradictions and variations which show the attitude of the journalist with respect to sources it produces and its manifest lack of rigor needed for a source of such importance).
8 - With the exception of two of them, false documents are written on white paper, bearing no sign or mention who should prove that they are from the Ottoman administration. Two of them are written on telegram forms of Ottoman positions, but this is hardly more convincing : anyone could get them easily.
9 - These false documents were not taken into consideration by the British, who looked for insistently evidence to bring to trial the "Turks responsible for the massacres of Armenians".
10 - It is not logical that the Andonian materials presented as highly secret were sent simply by courier, to bringing them to the attention of many people. They should have been send especially. (Similarly, it is unlikely that such documents were incriminating if kept for three years instead of being destroyed.)
11 - The false documents, if one compares the English and French versions of Andonian's book, presents differences that can not result of translation errors or hardware errors. They are due to the lack of rigor that led to this whole business of production and propaganda.
12 - Finally, some writers who recognize the Armenian genocide, and are their spokesman, express some skepticism about the authenticity of Andonian documents.
D. Some Demographic and Statistical Data:
D-1. The famous black book Talaat Pasha [note 3] presents data of central importance, as personal an archive of the lead author of the decree promulgating the Armenian deportations hostile areas to other areas still under Ottoman authority at the time of the deportations. Which shares demographic data in question before making a more detailed analysis :
D-2. The list of Muslims refugees fleeing the Balkans during the war in the Balkans [13] :
D-3. The list of Muslim refugees from the Balkans after the war in the Balkans [14] :
D-2. The list of Muslims refugees fleeing the Balkans during the war in the Balkans [13] :
Cities and
departments |
Population
|
Migrants
|
Edirne
|
112129
|
26,220
|
Ankara
|
29,785
|
5952
|
Adana
|
5737
|
1436
|
Erzurum
|
5104
|
913
|
Aydin
|
89,603
|
25,928
|
Beyrut
|
1019
|
221
|
Aleppo
|
1068
|
227
|
Hudavendigar
|
214310
|
45,294
|
Syria
|
9178
|
2236
|
Sivas
|
61,171
|
13,926
|
Kastamonu
|
34,308
|
7515
|
Mâmtrelâziz
|
336
|
87
|
Bitlis
|
4723
|
925
|
Konya
|
126295
|
16,452
|
Izmit
|
56,373
|
12,813
|
Catalca
|
8681
|
2114
|
Karesi
|
65,565
|
14.118
|
Kal'a-i Sultaniye
|
29,495
|
10.198
|
Total
|
854870
|
186575
|
Iskord
|
2800
|
650
|
Manastir
|
2192
|
565
|
Yanya
|
??
|
??
|
Selanik
|
4846
|
1353
|
Kosovo
|
61,314
|
12,579
|
Total full
| 926022 |
21,722
|
D-3. The list of Muslim refugees from the Balkans after the war in the Balkans [14] :
Provinces
|
Population
|
Migrants
|
Adana
|
6381
|
1276
|
Ankara
|
9335
|
2111
|
Aydin
|
145320
|
29,128
|
Edirne
|
81,542
|
17,368
|
Erzurum
|
6
|
1
|
Istanbul
|
3609
|
259
|
Aleppo
|
10,504
|
2099
|
Hudavebdigâr
|
18,317
|
4650
|
Syria
|
3187
|
637
|
Sivas
|
10,605
|
2169
|
Kastamonu
|
88
|
16
|
Konya
|
3511
|
638
|
Mamurtelâziz
|
242
|
48
|
Van
|
27
|
5
|
Izmit
|
6771
|
1153
|
Eskisehir
|
9088
|
1236
|
Bolu
|
566
|
118
|
Canik
|
3875
|
619
|
Catalca
|
5980
|
785
|
Karesi
|
14,687
|
2961
|
Kal'a-i Sultayiye
|
2980
|
785
|
Kayseri
|
1445
|
328
|
Mentese
|
855
|
171
|
Nigde
|
_
|
_
|
Total
|
339074
|
62,704
|
D-4. The list of number of Armenian deportees by region [15] :
Provinces
|
Depoprtees
|
Ankara
|
47,224
|
Erzurum
|
128657
|
Adana
|
46,031
|
Bitlis
|
109521
|
Aleppo
|
34,451
|
Hudavendigar
|
66,413
|
Diyarbakir
|
61,002
|
Sivas
|
141592
|
Trabzon
|
34,500
|
Mâmuretulâziz
|
74,206
|
Izmit
|
54,370
|
Canik
|
26,374
|
Karesi
|
8290
|
Karahisar
|
7327
|
Kayseri
|
47.617
|
Maras
|
27.101
|
Nigde
|
5101
|
Konya
|
4381
|
TOTAL
|
924158
|
D-4.1. The list of Armenians of Ottoman territory, remaining under Ottoman control before the Committee of Union and Progress [16] :
Provinces
|
Non-displaced Armenians
|
Armenians moved
|
Travel
|
Population in 1914
|
Ankara
|
12,766
|
410
|
4560
|
44,661
|
Musul
|
253
|
7033
|
0
|
0
|
Nigde
|
193
|
850
|
547
|
4939
|
Izmit
|
3880
|
142
|
9464
|
56,115
|
Kutahya
|
3932
|
680
|
0
|
4023
|
Eskisehir
|
1258
|
1096
|
547
|
8620
|
Bolu
|
1539
|
551
|
9464
|
3002
|
Afyonkarahisar
|
2234
|
1778
|
0
|
7498
|
Ichel
|
252
|
116
|
1104
|
350
|
Karesi
|
1852
|
124
|
56
|
3002
|
Kayseri
|
6650
|
111
|
1484
|
7498
|
Adana
|
12,263
|
4257
|
0
|
350
|
Maras
|
6115
|
198
|
1696
|
8663
|
Sivas
|
8097
|
948
|
6778
|
47,974
|
Beyrut
|
50
|
1849
|
19,664
|
51,724
|
Kastamonu
|
3437
|
185
|
2010
|
27,306
|
Konya
|
3730
|
14.210
|
3993
|
13,078
|
Aydin
|
11,901
|
5729
|
0
|
1224
|
Syria
|
0
|
34,409
|
0
|
0
|
Zor
|
201
|
6778
|
0
|
63
|
Hudavendigar
|
2821
|
178
|
10.251
|
59,038
|
Aleppo
|
13,679
|
13,591
|
19,091
|
37,031
|
Urfa
|
1114
|
6687
|
451
|
15,616
|
Erzurum
|
0
|
0
|
3364
|
125657
|
Bitlis
|
0
|
0
|
1061
|
114704
|
Van
|
0
|
0
|
160
|
67,792
|
Diyarbakir
|
0
|
0
|
1849
|
56,166
|
Trabzon
|
0
|
0
|
562
|
37,549
|
Elaziz
|
0
|
0
|
2201
|
70,060
|
97,247
|
106910
|
94,206
|
1031614
| |
Istanbul
|
80,000
|
0
|
0
|
80,000
|
177247
|
94,206
|
1112614
| ||
106910
| ||||
284157
|
D-4.1.1. The written provinces here in orange are outside the domain of access and control of the Ottoman during the last census of the Armenian population listed in the second column. It is noteworthy that for Syria which is occupied in part, some of the data have been communicated to Talaat, as for Aleppo and other non-occupied provinces, some partial datas are made available to it.
D-4.1.2. The provinces of Mâmurat al-Âziz (current Elazig), Diyarbakir, Trebizond (Trabzon), Erzurum, Bitlis and Van were occupied by Russian forces after the end of deportations, it is not surprising that information has therefore not could be procured in these regions before the dismantling of the Committee of Union and Progress on 1 November 1918.
D-4.1.3. An Armenian resistance at Mamuret'ul Aziz, Diyarbakir, Trabzon, Erzurum, Bitlis and at Van, few years later, shows that Armenians continued to live well in these areas under occupation from the end of the reconquest of deportations and after the Armistice of Moudros.
Map of the region, according to the limits of control zones by determined powers before the Armistice of Moudros of August 10, 1918. The table above shows a population of 0 people for some provinces occupied at the time of the last census report to Talat Pasha writed in orange in the statistics up dating before the Armistice of Moudros.
D-4.2. Footnote amoung the archive's of Talaat Pasha :
"End 1330(1914) the Gregorian Armenians comprised a total population of 1,187,818 Armenians, and the Catholics 63,967 people, all two populations thus making 1,256,403 Armenians, registered in the registers. Because not all were registered, the actual number may reach 1.5 million, and it appears that it is necessary to add around 30% people to the number of 284 157 for more reliable data, which leads to the conclusion that the number of Armenians being left on the territory, should be in fact around of 350,000 to 400,000 [16]."
(footnote of Talaat's black book)
D-4.3. American document dated February 3, 1916 giving the number of the deportees from Syria according to a US report :
(doc.7.) Syria and the region extending until Maan
|
100,000
|
Hama and around
|
12,000
|
Homs and surrounding villages
|
20,000
|
Aleppo and surrounding villages
|
7000
|
Maara and surrounding villages
|
20,000
|
Bab and surrounding villages
|
8000
|
Mumbidge and surrounding villages
|
5000
|
Ras al'ayn and surrounding villages
|
20,000
|
Rakka and surrounding villages
|
20,000
|
Deyrizor and surrounding villages
|
300.0
|
Total
|
486.000
|
D-4.3.1. A number of Armenian deportees in Syria in February 1916, around of 277,000, are reported as being resettled elsewhere in the Ottoman territory, mainly in Adana and Istanbul.
D-4.3.2. The number of supernumerary Armenians in some provinces between the last census reported in the Talaat Pasha's book and the Treaty of Sèvres corresponds quite closely with their return until 1921.
D-4-4. Archive dated December 11, 1918 in French about some parts dating from December 11, 1918 [17]:
D-4.4.1. This document (doc.8.) mentions 250.000 Armenian refugees in the Caucasus not included in the documents already analysed before.
D-4.4.2. The other numbers seem highly underestimated, since from 1919 more than 277.000 Armenians will be resettled in Adana province and other provinces from Syria. The author of the letter writes that he can not certify to give the entire population.
D-4.4.3. We will return infra at other censuses and a more recent assessment of the number of Armenian deportees still alive just before Sèvres (see below E-3.).
E. The Law of back of displaced Armenians and its consequences :
E-1. A subject that is rarely mentioned about the deportation program is the law of 5 August 1918 on the back program the deported Armenians (see document below). This law was published in the Verçinlor Gazette as of August 10, 1918 and has caused great joy among the Armenian Diaspora at the time, Who had communicated his gratitude to Sultan Mehmed Resad.
E-1. A subject that is rarely mentioned about the deportation program is the law of 5 August 1918 on the back program the deported Armenians (see document below). This law was published in the Verçinlor Gazette as of August 10, 1918 and has caused great joy among the Armenian Diaspora at the time, Who had communicated his gratitude to Sultan Mehmed Resad.
(doc.9.) Decree recommending the return of Armenians who wish it on the rests of the Ottoman territory.
(doc.10.) Decree recommending the return of Armenians who wish it on the rests of the Ottoman territory.
(doc.11.) Decree recommending the return of Armenians who wish it on the rests of the Ottoman territory.
(doc.12.) The mention of retours in a document from 1921 in US.
E-3. The Armenians located in the provinces of the former Ottoman's empire absents in the personal notes of Talaat Pasha :
E-3.1. In this document (doc.13), we recover the mention of some of the Armenians who are outside of the control area of the new borders of the Ottoman Empire before the Treaty of Sevres. The lost provinces mentioned above are recorded in the following documents, we find mentioned as well 624.900 Armenians living in the Ottoman provinces lost before the Treaty of Sèvres.
E-3.2. This number is the newest for deported Armenian population identified outside the new borders of the Ottoman Empire on the eve of the Treaty of Sevres.
E-3.3. The Armenians who migrated before Sèvres in Armenia, in Russia, in France and in other coutries are to be considered in the attempt to assess the number of deportation survivors.
E.3.4. The number reliably established as living amoung the 924,158 deportees is thus on the eve of Sèvres of 413,097. Besides that, according to those documents the documented number of deaths amoung the deportees is around (80,000 + 40,000 + 30,000 + 15,000) 165,000.
(doc.14.) The Armenian population worldwide in 1921.
E-3.2. This number is the newest for deported Armenian population identified outside the new borders of the Ottoman Empire on the eve of the Treaty of Sevres.
E-3.3. The Armenians who migrated before Sèvres in Armenia, in Russia, in France and in other coutries are to be considered in the attempt to assess the number of deportation survivors.
Provinces
|
Notes Talaat Pasha
|
Before Sèvres
|
Difference
|
Ankara
|
17,736
|
5500
|
<12236
|
Moussoul
|
7286
|
800
|
<6486
|
Nigde
|
1590
| ||
Izmit
|
13,478
| ||
Kutahya
|
4612
|
7000
|
> 2388
|
Eskisehir
|
2901
| ||
Bolu
|
11,554
|
10,000
|
<1554
|
Afyonkarahisar
|
4012
| ||
Ichel
|
1472
| ||
Karesi
|
2032
| ||
Kayseri
|
8245
| ||
Adana
|
16,520
|
150,000
|
> 133,480
|
Maras
|
8009
| ||
Sivas
|
15,823
|
19,500
|
> 3677
|
Beyrut
|
21,563
| ||
Kastamonu
|
21,640
|
500
|
<21140
|
Konya
|
21,993
|
12,000
|
<9993
|
Aydin
|
17,630
|
10,000
|
<7.630
|
Syria
|
34,409
| ||
Deir Zor
|
6979
|
3600
|
<3.600
|
Hudavendigar
|
13,250
|
15,500
|
> 1750
|
Aleppo
|
46,361
|
57,000
|
> 10.639
|
Urfa
|
8252
|
9000
|
> 748
|
Erzurum
|
3364
|
1800
|
<1564
|
Bitlis
|
1061
| ||
Van
|
160
|
8800
|
> 8640
|
Diyarbakir
|
1849
|
31,000
|
> 29,151
|
Trabzon
|
562
|
12,000
|
> 11,438
|
Aziz al Mamurat
|
2201
|
35,000
|
> 32,779
|
Istanbul
|
80,000
|
156.000
|
> 76,000
|
(Déportés = 106,910)
| |||
Nicomedia
|
20,000
|
> 310,690
| |
Edirne
|
6600
|
- <64 203
| |
Kale-i Sultana
|
900
|
-------------
| |
Karessi
|
5000
|
246,484
| |
Caesarea
|
7500
| ||
Canik
|
1000
| ||
Maarah
|
9000
| ||
Jerusalem
|
4000
| ||
Damascus
|
400
| ||
Baghdad
|
1000
| ||
Basra
|
400
| ||
Balikesir
|
2000
| ||
Harput
|
5000
| ||
Unreadable
|
106,910
|
5000
| |
246,484
|
Total = 624.900
| ||
59,700
|
Difference = 59.700
| ||
413,097
|
E.3.4. The number reliably established as living amoung the 924,158 deportees is thus on the eve of Sèvres of 413,097. Besides that, according to those documents the documented number of deaths amoung the deportees is around (80,000 + 40,000 + 30,000 + 15,000) 165,000.
(doc.14.) The Armenian population worldwide in 1921.
E-4. Balance sheet of number of deportees remaining under Ottoman rule, outside the remains of territory and losses of life based on documents and archives (see above) :
E-4.1. We read above in Table §D-4.1., that 177.247 Armenians were remained in their homes without being deported or having migrated, staying in their own residences until 1918. 106.910 Armenians are deported to interior provinces and remain on the Ottoman territory controled by the Union and Progress Committee. And 94.206 who are traveling during the censuses could not be found physically at their home.
E-4.2. Account must be taken of Armenians who left the country between 1916 and 1918 for Armenia, Russia, America and for other destinations... And of Armenians hidden by friends, or removed within some clans as captives.
F. Documented review of the distribution of Armenians living on Ottoman territory or remained outside the new borders to places where they were transferred between 1914 and 1916 :
F-1. 106.910 of the deportees were localised within the Ottoman control areas in 1918 (see above).
F-2. We stressed above to avoid falling into simplification, the Armenians hidden by friends, the civilian movings, and other movements that are made between the several censuses whom led at redundancy in some data for some provinces at the discretion of border changes, which make a rigorous analysis doubtful... This evaluation is thus only an approximation and not a strictly accurate conclusion.
F-3. We can according to the different assumptions, do an evaluation on the number of Armenian casualties at between 200.000 and 600.000 depending on the uncertain variables.
F-4. We have mentioned above the Vali of Deyrizor who would have killed between 70.000-80.000 Armenians before the minutes mentioned dating from 1916, having been tried and convicted during the deportations. These must be considered among the missing Armenians compared to those who were deported.
F-5. 177.247 stay at their home during the events.
F-6. 94.206 were not at home at the last census and could not be physically seen during the last census.
F-2. We stressed above to avoid falling into simplification, the Armenians hidden by friends, the civilian movings, and other movements that are made between the several censuses whom led at redundancy in some data for some provinces at the discretion of border changes, which make a rigorous analysis doubtful... This evaluation is thus only an approximation and not a strictly accurate conclusion.
F-3. We can according to the different assumptions, do an evaluation on the number of Armenian casualties at between 200.000 and 600.000 depending on the uncertain variables.
F-4. We have mentioned above the Vali of Deyrizor who would have killed between 70.000-80.000 Armenians before the minutes mentioned dating from 1916, having been tried and convicted during the deportations. These must be considered among the missing Armenians compared to those who were deported.
F-5. 177.247 stay at their home during the events.
F-6. 94.206 were not at home at the last census and could not be physically seen during the last census.
>> Note : 924.158 (number of deportees) + 177.247 (number of Armenians not unaffected during the deportation program) = 1.101.405. This total approaches at the 1.112.614 armenians recorded end 1914, with a difference of 11.209 unlocated individuals (there were spontaneous migrations regularly before and during the deportations, activists who die on the fronts, or civilians death in attacks coming from local clans in response to attacks of Kurdish villages by the ARF elements ...).
Above, the population growth at Yerevan between 1827 and 2007 (ISTAT, Wikipedia). A passage from 12.500 inhabitants in 1890 to 34.000 inhabitants in 1917 (after the deportations) is raised for the capital, that will be Armenian a year later. This exposes a migration of about 21.500 individuals, only for Yerevan. A testimony of Armenian migration to Russia during the First World War.
F-7. 924.158 of them have been moved away from the fronts. 486,000 of them living outside the area controlled by the Ottomans in Syria in 1916 and 106.910 in areas still under Ottoman control. 250,000 Armenian refugees in the Caucasus will be affixed to the number of Armenians noted as having survived the events at the dawn of August 10, 1920. 177.247 have not been deported, and 94.216 not founds in their homes during the last census. These data show that around 1.114.373 Armenians were still alive either way in February 1916.
F-8. On lights of these elements, we can do an approximation of the number of the deported Armenians who may have perished at the dawn of the Treaty of Sèvres :
F-8. On lights of these elements, we can do an approximation of the number of the deported Armenians who may have perished at the dawn of the Treaty of Sèvres :
- Indeed, it seems established that 106.910 among the deportees lived in the new frontiers of the Ottoman Empire.
- We must also add to this number 277.000 Armenians resettled in Adana, Istanbul or elsewhere.
- One can also add the 122.700 armenians mentionned exclusively in the US Census before Sèvres, and the 250.000 Armenians who migrated to the Caucasus.
- Thus, among the 924.158 deportees, 755.700 are localized, with a difference of 168.458, of which the 80.000 killed to Zor mentioned above, and the 70.000 death consecutively to attacks of convoys, also mentioned above.
- Nevertheless, the share of migration from Anatolia to Caucasus during the deportation remains insoluble.
- The fate of the deported established is thus as follows : 106.910 remained in the territory remaining under Ottoman control, 277.000 income after 1921 (in Adana and Istanbul), 122.700 are recorded on the eve of Sèvres in Syria, in Mesopotamia, 80.000 died between Zor and Ra'as ul-Ayn by a disturbed Vali, 15.000 deaths caused by the General Halil in Mosul, and around 70.000 deaths in convoy attacks (671.610); the fate of the remaining 252.548 Armenians being the Migration in Armenia, in Russia, or France, ..., dead on the fronts, kidnappings, conversions, or famine and devastating epidemics leading them to death.
F-9. The difficulty of the ambassadors to locate and identify the deportees in their control zones shows the practical difficulty in locating them, which justify the mentioned above of estimates of Talaat Pasha about the real number on the territory of the Armenians, which conducts him to evaluate that many have escaped to deportations (he considers them around 30%).
F.10. The Armenian population officially localized or who returns in the end of 1914 rejoins the population registers which is 1.112.614, of which 924.158 are caught in the programme of deportation to the southern provinces. Among them, 177.247 were according the personal notes of Mehmet Talaat remained on site. Which underlies that a part of Armenians caught in the deportation program has managed to escape from the convoys (see picture below) before to get to the places of destinations. A portion thereof having migrated in the Caucasus.
Photo Armenians escaping of deportation's wagons.
F-11. The share of escapees armenians enlisted in the ranks of the attackers, and the loss recorded during the ret of populations undergoing the déportation should also be added upstream of casualties.
Some archive documents about the deportations of Armenians:
G-1. Directive concerning the decision to the deportation of insurgents Armenians of the uprisings's areas to non-hostile régions (doc.15.):
Translation:
Because of resistances to power in this time of war, this order (provisional) was enacted regarding measures to be taken by the armed forces :
Article 1: In those times of war, army's commanders, military bodies and divisions are facing opposition to political decisions, or acts of armed violence who undermine the military defense or are disturbing the order public ; the armed forces are in the duty to remind them at order, to stop them and if necessary eliminating them.
Article 2: The commanders of corps and divisions facing armed resistance or espionage of residents of villages or cities are entitled to move them in part or in full in respect of the military agreements.
Article 3: This law is in effect from the time of its enactment.
Article 4: The Deputy Supreme Commander and Minister of Defence is obliged to ensure the implementation of this law. This legislation was introduced in parliament and voted in the General Assembly and is a law issued by the state power.
Because of resistances to power in this time of war, this order (provisional) was enacted regarding measures to be taken by the armed forces :
Article 1: In those times of war, army's commanders, military bodies and divisions are facing opposition to political decisions, or acts of armed violence who undermine the military defense or are disturbing the order public ; the armed forces are in the duty to remind them at order, to stop them and if necessary eliminating them.
Article 2: The commanders of corps and divisions facing armed resistance or espionage of residents of villages or cities are entitled to move them in part or in full in respect of the military agreements.
Article 3: This law is in effect from the time of its enactment.
Article 4: The Deputy Supreme Commander and Minister of Defence is obliged to ensure the implementation of this law. This legislation was introduced in parliament and voted in the General Assembly and is a law issued by the state power.
13 Rajab 1333 May 26, 1915
Mehmed RESAD grand vizier, Commander in Chief and the Deputy Minister of War Enver Mehmed Said
G-2. Reasons that led the government to decide to deport the Armenians (doc.16.):
Translation:
Political reasons requiring the deportation of Armenians and transfers:
"The Council of Ministers has recognized and proclaimed this bill."
Office of External Relations. Copy of the document: (840 326758/270).
May 31, 1915
May 31, 1915
A part of Armenians living near war zones complicates our military operations against the enemies and the protection of the borders of the Ottoman Empire; They make it difficult the transport of military equipments supplies, and food, and are in the ambition to cooperate and act together with the enemy, some of them have already joined the ranks of the enemy, and have organized attacks against national military forces and innocent civilians, have provided weapons to enemy navy, and have showed and indicated our fortresses and strategic positions. These insurgent elements must be removed from the theater of operations. This operation's process will begin imminently. The Armenians living in Van, Bitlis, in the province of Erzurum, Adana, Mersin, except for campaigns and centers in Jabal-i Barakat,the Brigade Kozan; the banner of Maras except the center; Aleppo with the exception of the central district of the province in Alexandria, Beylan, Jisrisug; the Armenians living in Antakya's district towns and surrounding villages will be shipped emergency destination in the southern provinces. The Armenians shipped will be moved to Mosul on the border of the province of Van; Urfa, except in the southern part of the center; In the eastern part of the province of Aleppo and Syria in the east and south of the province, and they will be installed in the allocated space. The application of this process was deemed wise for the fundamental interests of the State and goes in the perspective of the conventions of the Order No. 270 issued on 26 May 1915, that have been discussed by the Council of Ministers. The outcome of the talks led to the conclusion that it is necessary to ensure the sustainability of the state and ensure stability and public order, decisions of the Ministry to practice this issue is clear and decisive, your Ministry is authorized to begin execution of this order. The Armenians residing in the above regions will be transferred appropriately, their rest will be provided during the journey, their property and their lives will be protected, they will be fed until they reach their places of destinations, their properties and economic situation will be compensated by distribution of fields and equivalent courses. For the needy, the houses will be built by the government, for farmers, seeds, work tools and equipment will distributed. The value of the property they have left behind and their property are private which he will be returned equivalently or value. The value of their properties that they have left behind and their private properties, will be returned equivalently or in value. The vacated properties villages and areas will be distributed to migrants after determining their value, in quantity and in genres. The real estates such as cultivation of olive trees, of mulberry trees, vineyards and orange trees, the factories that migrants can not lead will be auctioned or rented and the total cost of the auction, or the rental of properties such as an inn or a warehouse, will be temporarily invested into the fund of the state on behalf of the owners to submit theirs later. In order to guarantee the expenses necessary for the implementation of these agreements decided by our ministry, for the protection of property and management, acceleration, study, organization and application of their installation, commissioning up commissions to ensure compliance with these conventions, the commission has assigned to officials, their travel necessities, financial background thus obtained can be used for this, they will be send to the region by a director assisted by two officials and the appointed commissions -one by the Ministry of Interior and the second by the Ministry of Finance, directly related to their departments- will be dispatched on site, for supervising the implementation of agreements under the responsibilities of the Valis on site. The decision was communicated to the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Finance. A letter has been drafted for this purpose by your direction.
G-3. Order the arrangements for the management of real property of the deported Armenian (doc.17.):
Translation:
Regulations regarding the arrangements for goods and Armenian lands transferred because of the war situation and political difficulties.
Article 1: real estate, properties and land abandoned by Armenians transferred to other regions and several missions will be managed and implemented by the competent bodies according to their areas of competence under the provisions written in the following articles.
Article 2: All goods and abandoned buildings in villages and cities will be sealed immediately evacuated and put under protection deemed appropriate officers or a delegation appointed by the Board of Directors.
Article 3: After power protection of property, identified and registered according to their kinds and amounts with the mention of their owners, they will be transferred to be under protection to places such as churches, schools, and residences deemed appropriate to be affected as warehouses and will be carefully stored with the mention of the names of their owners separately by types and kinds; records indicating where they were stored, their places of origin and the names of their owners must be prepared, including originals and certified by the local administration will be sent to the Board of Directors of the Abandoned Property.
Article 4: movable property whose owners can not be identified will have to be registered in the name of the village where they were found.
Article 5: a. Movable property may come into expiration or deteriorate and animals will be sold openly (in front of witnesses) auctioned by a delegation appointed by the Committee, and the benefits will be arranged in deposits to cash management and protected name by their owners if they could be identified or the name of the places where they have been found appropriate.
b. Products sold, their types, quantity, value, a reference to their places of origin, their owners, customers who purchased at auction and the purchase price will be recorded in detail in a special register. The documents auctions will be included in the Committee records, as described in the original copy of abandoned property, and local authorities will communicate to the Board.
Article 6: objects, paintings and holy books found in churches will be included in the records books joints ensuring protections be put under where they were found to be sent in the parish villagers in places where they were transferred.
Article 7: personal property, real estate and land abandoned by the population transferred will be listed according to their type, kind, quantity and value with the mention of their owners and buildings and much real villages and towns will be stored, prepared, and communicated the Board of Directors.
Article 8: If crops found on the properties and land abandoned, these will be auctioned by a committee for this task, the benefits obtained will be deposited to the fund management, ensuring write registers under control local power, and communicated to the Administrative Board after confirmation.
Article 9: In case clients will not be found for the sale of the harvested goods, it was considered wise to allocate them equally between two following migrants bail and contract to those who wish to ensure that the costs thus obtained are deposited in the same fund management to be transferred to their owners.
Article 10: No changes will be made in the records and prepared about the properties of the transferred population and after writing proxies.
Article 11: Migrants will be installed in the evacuated villages, and houses and land will be distributed to needy families with the means to work the fields, giving them temporary documents.
Article 12: Migrant installed and will be entered in the records of populations in detail, indicating the number of households, names, places of origin and installation sites, houses and land that have been made available will recorded in notebooks by type, genre, and much of their value, and documents indicating the real estate, properties and land for the purpose of installation will be afforded to them.
Article 13: Buildings and trees still standing villages being under the protection and indirect responsibility of migrants, in the event of vandalism or destruction of property, officials migrants should be identified and removed from the area and the value of the damage to be required of all villagers removing thereof any right of use of such property damaged.
Article 14: The empty villages remaining after settlement of migrants will be populated by tribes following the same aforementioned conditions and procedures.
Article 15: The residences of the evacuated towns and villages are populated by townsmen or countrymen after the migrants' ability to maintain and enforce those regions, ensuring they get enough land and resources to this end.
Article 16: The s property such as shops, inns, factories, steam rooms, and warehouses can not guarantee which could be given to retained earnings remaining migrants, or being as mentioned in Article 18, unsuitable for recovery by migrants according to their professional occupations and skills, will be auctioned by a committee composed of the President and the civil and financial officers in the region.
Article 17: A book recording the names of the migrated installed in cities and villages, as well as land allocated to them mentioned in terms of type, quantity and value will be held.
Article 18: a. Vineyards, gardens, orange and olive groves located in the towns and villages or in their peripheries, as well as similar properties, will be awarded to migrants that protect and maintain them, giving them certificates with the mention guarantors, according to their needs and skills. Documents stating the nature and quantity of goods will be procured and distributed to migrants after being recorded in notebooks designed for this purpose.
b. The property mentioned in this article that could not be distributed will be auctioned as stipulated in Article 16.
Article 19: The migrants found in the provinces that are transferred to other provinces with the authorization and approval of local authorities, or returned from other provinces by order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, will be considered separately and installed under the status of migrants in the villages and towns evacuated;people presenting to ask to be installed will be saved by requiring that they present a document confirming their status as migrants or they are transferred from other provinces to be installed.
Article 20: real estate, land properties and not finding taker can be rented for a maximum of two years provided assume the damage, and to ensure the protection or pay the repair costs in case degradation and presenting to this end a reliable guarantor.
Article 21: The assets, properties and land sold or leased or allocated half and half, will be recorded with the place, the details of the sale, the rental value, the names of the tenant and buyer in registers.
Article 22: The profits made no sales and rentals will be entrusted to the fund management on behalf of their owners to be transferred.
Article 23: Supervision of this protocol managing all these properties in the villages and towns evacuated is the central duty of the Board of Directors of the Abandoned property ..
Article 24: The supervisory agencies will be directly linked to the Ministry of Interior Affairs, and will be responsible for carrying out their missions under its authority; local government must be notified of any instruction they received in order to be implemented.
Article 25: a. The organization of the Committee and the Assembly responsible for the protection of abandoned property and carrying articles of the directive, may, with the approval and following the guidelines of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to use the service officers paid for the execution of these tasks, taking a specifications under the responsibility of the Board of the Abandoned property ..
b. Copies of books and declarations required documents will be sent to Valis Premises.
Article 26: The financial burden redevelopment of the evacuated places work and installation of migrants being the responsibility of the Immigration Management Committee, it is nevertheless the Board of Directors of the Abandoned Property which is empowered and to missionnée ensure rapid redevelopment process and the proper conduct of the missions, good supervision and analysis of the decisions taken during their implementation in collaboration with Local Authorities.
Article 27: The Committee has the duty to communicate within 15 days of the decisions it has taken consecutively to its observations to a Ministry or Local Authority.
Article 28: The implementation of the measures imposed by that directive by the officers of local authorities is a must, regarding the management of the aforementioned property by the Abandoned Board of goods..
Article 29: Officials of Finance. Board of Abandoned properties are equally responsible for the management and protection of abandoned property.
Article 30: The commissions responsible for the management of abandoned property will consist of a Director and two officers responsible respectively for a management fee, and a second, finance.
Article 31: The communication will be ensured by the Directors or by a commissioned item for this task on their behalf.
Article 32: The Director of the Board of the Abandoned property can missionner an element it considers qualified for this task, for analysis, supervision or enforcement of those guidelines.
Article 33: The members of the Board of Abandoned Property. will be compensated at the rate of a read and a half a day to managers, and read one to the other elements, and travel expenses will be provided when traveling.
Article 33: The members of the Board of Abandoned Property. will be compensated at the rate of a read and a half a day to managers, and read one to the other elements, and travel expenses will be provided when traveling.
Article 34: The implementation of the provinces where commissions have not been designated will be implemented by local authorities.
(27 Rajab 333/28 Mai 331) - June 10, 1915
G-4. Order humanitarian arrangements during deportations (doc.18.):
[1] Mikael Varandian, History of the FRA (1932), Publications of the University of Yerevan, 1992, pp. 212-213.
[2] Gérard Chaliand and Yves Ternon, 1915, the Armenian genocide, Brussels, Complexe, 2006, p. 189 (part written by Gerard Chaliand).
[3] TBMM 18 Teşrinisani 1334 (1918).
[4] Raymond H. Kevorkian, RAHC II, Part I. Axes deportations and concentration camps.
[5] Şafak Ural Kâzım Yetiş Feridun Mustafa Emecen, Çeşitli yönlerden Türk-Ermeni ilişkileri, p.196. İstanbul University (2006).
[6] Murat Bardakçı, Talat Paşa'nın Evrak-ı Metrukesi Everest Yayınları (2008). ISBN 978-975-289-560-7;OCLC 318327565. page 157. [7] Talat Paşa'nın Evrak-ı Metrukesi op. cit., page 35.
[8] Ikdam, 1 Mayıs 1335 (1 Mayıs 1919), nr. 8337; Alemdar, 30 Nisan 1336 (30 Nisan 1920), nr 498. [9]Tasvir Efkar-i, 4 Nisan 1335 (4 Nisan 1919), nr. 2694.
[10] Archives of the Foreign Office, London, 371/6504 / E 8745. [11] July 13, 1921; Archive of the Foreign Office, London, 371/6504/8519.
[12] Sinasi Orel and Sureyya Yuca, The Talat Pasha Telegrams: Historical Facts or Fiction Armenian, London, Oxford University Press, 1983, p 178, translation:. Armenian Affairs, the "Talat Pasha telegrams" historical fact or fiction, Paris, Triangle / Turkish Historical Society, 1983 link: [PDF] book about Talat Pasha telegrams, by S. Orel, published in 2006[archive]
[13] Talat Paşa'nın Evrak-ı Metrukesi op. cit., page 39. [14] Talat Paşa'nın Evrak-ı Metrukesi op. cit., page 77.
[15] Talat Paşa'nın Evrak-ı Metrukesi op. cit., page 109.
[16] Document No. 58. No. 534 COPY. American Consulate Aleppo, Syria 8 February 1916. Source US Department record group 59, 867, 48/171.
[17] J ean-Pierre RISSOAN, Articles> 7. History also> Middle East> Armenian tragedy of 1915, before and after ... published April 28, 2015
-------------------
[note 1] "Ben diyorum ki: Türk Milletini itham ettikleri o cinayatı unleavened, idarei daha doğrusu Sabika, idarei çeteviye tarafından icra edilmiştir Türklerin boynuna atılmış olan bu töhmet zincirinin in dehşetli halkası -ki Ermeni fecayi'idir- merkezde bulunan bir şirzimei kelime. ile o şirzimei kalilenin Vilayetta bulunan memurları; yani Valiler, mutasarrıflar, Kaymakamlardan, Jandarma Kumandanlarından, Polis Müdürlerinden silent da Jandarma Neferine kadar Teskilati mahsusası Felan, felanı tarafından yapılmıştır Ben çok halim, selim, hamiyyetkar, insaniyetşiar, Dindar Türkler bilirim ki o fecayi. .. zamamnda Benimle Beraber kan ağlamışlardır Ve bunu yapanlara lanethan olmuşlardır ("Bravo" sadaları) Bunu yapan Yalnız efrad mı Öyle şehirler vardır ki onlar halis, Muhlis Türk şehirleridir;? bu şehirlerin Müslüman ahalisi, biçare Ermeni vatandaşlarını tehcir zulmünden kurtarmak için Hükümetin vermis olduğu emre, Melmeketçe Muhalefet eylemiştir. Fakat o verilen Zalim emri vechile ortadan kaldıramamışlar ve drank her kim Hükümetin emrine, icraatına Muhalefet ederse onları kapısının önünde Asmak gibi harekat karşısında bilahire drunk zalimane emre serfuru etmişlerdir." (Artin Boshgezenian)
[note 2] "(...) Mayıs'ın yirmi beşine kadar olan İstanbul gazetelerini okuduk. Arkadaşları Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa'dan dolayı itham ediyorlar. Guya bütün Ermeni ve ve bir takım Rum tehcirini fenalıkları Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa yapmış. Bu da Ittihat ve Terakki Merkez i-tabi Umumisi'ne IMIS. Bundan çıkaramadıkları reis ve bir netice muddeiumumilerin mutemadiyen istifa ettikleri anlaşılıyor. Mahkum edemeyeceklerini anladıklarından dolayı, Malta'ya gondermiş olacaklar. (...) "
[note 3] Murat Bardakçı, Talat Paşa'nın Evrak-ı Metrukesi, Everest Yayınları (2008). [ISBN 978-975-289-560-7; OCLC 318327565.]
* This book has a black cover and sheets were 77, two of which are detached are in the section of immigrants from the Balkans, and it ends on page 58.
